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  1. The Anglo-Frisian languages underwent a sound change in their development from Proto-West-Germanic by which ā [ɑː], unless followed by /n, m/ or nasalized, was fronted to ǣ [æː]. This was similar to the later process affecting short a , which is known as Anglo-Frisian brightening or First Fronting (see below ).

  2. A. Anglo-Frisian Brightening (AFB) is an early 5thc. sound change responsible for the appearance. of a new phoneme - /æ/ both in English and Frisian (=Anglo-Frisian branch of Ingvaeonic). E.g. OE dæg, OI dAgr, Go dAgs, OHG tAg. AFB turns /A/ → /æ/ except before a nasal (hence OE and OHG mann) Let’s take a look at some paradigms: WGmc Sg.

  3. Original (post Anglo-Frisian brightening) ǣ was raised to ē in Anglian but remained in West Saxon. This occurred before other changes such as breaking, and did not affect ǣ caused by i-umlaut of ā.

  4. The Anglo-Frisian languages are distinct from other West Germanic languages due to several sound changes: besides the Ingvaeonic nasal spirant law, which is present in Low German as well, Anglo-Frisian brightening and palatalization of /k/ are for the most part unique to the modern Anglo-Frisian languages:

  5. 25 de ago. de 2018 · In my habilitation thesis (Waxenberger 2010) I considered, amongst other things, the earliest runic inscriptions in England, from the period c. ad 400–650. By comparing them to the later inscriptions I found that the English runic corpus can be divided into two sub-corpora: a small Pre-Old English (Pre-OE) corpus (Fig. 6.1) and a larger Old English (OE) one (Fig. 6.2).

    • Gaby Waxenberger
    • 2017
  6. The Anglo-Frisian brightening 3. Two processes of vowel epenthesis: breaking and back umlaut 4. Palatalisation and I-umlaut 5. Strengthening and weakening of obstruents: fricative voicing assignment, continuancy adjustment, and some related processes 6.

  7. Examination of Anglo-Frisian Brightening, or First Fronting, raises several questions about the analysis by Lass and Anderson, which are avoided in a theory proposing that the phenomenon was non-existent already in the synchronic grammar of Old English, and therefore was not maintained as a synchronic phonological rule until Middle English times.