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Sayyid Ali Hosseini Khamenei, em persa: سید علی حسینی خامنهای; (Mexed, 19 de abril de 1939) [1] [2] é um Marja' duodecimano xiita iraniano que atualmente serve como Líder Supremo do Irã, desde 1989, quando sucedeu o Aiatolá Khomeini.
Seyyed Ali Hosseini Khamenei (Persian: سید علی حسینی خامنهای, romanized: Ali Hoseyni Xāmene’i, pronounced [ʔæˈliː hosejˈniː xɒːmeneˈʔiː] ⓘ; born 19 April 1939) is an Iranian Twelver Shia marja' and politician who has served as the second supreme leader of Iran since 1989.
- 1979–1980, 1980–1981
- Independent (since 1989)
Há 1 dia · The website provides news, analysis, and multimedia content on the Leader of the Islamic Revolution of Iran and his views on various topics. It also features dossiers on the Islamic Revolution, the fight against terrorism, and the treatment of minorities.
Há 2 dias · Agora, o caminho fica aberto para Mojtaba Khamenei, filho de Khamenei, como explica Trevisan em entrevista ao podcast O Assunto desta terça-feira (21). 1 de 1 Ali Khamenei é o líder supremo do ...
- Overview
- Revolutionary role and presidency
- Second leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran
- Presidency of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad
- Presidency of Hassan Rouhani
- Presidency of Ebrahim Raisi
Ali Khamenei (born July 15, 1939?, Mashhad, Iran) Iranian cleric and politician who served as president of Iran (1981–89) and as that country’s rahbar, or leader, from 1989. A religious figure of some significance, Khamenei was generally addressed with the honorific ayatollah.
Khamenei began his advanced religious studies at Qom under the most prominent Shiʿi scholars of the day, including Ruhollah Khomeini. From 1963 he was actively involved in protests against the monarchy, for which he was imprisoned several times by Iran’s security services. Khamenei remained closely associated with the exiled Khomeini during this time and immediately after the latter’s return to Iran in 1979 was appointed to the Revolutionary Council. After its dissolution he became deputy minister of defense and Khomeini’s personal representative on the Supreme Defense Council. For a brief period he commanded the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). A foreign policy hawk, he was a key negotiator in the Iran hostage crisis.
Khamenei was immersed in the new republic’s politics from the start. A fiery orator in support of Khomeini and an ardent advocate of the concept of velāyat-e faqīh (governance by the religious jurist), Khamenei was among the founding members of the loyalist Islamic Republican Party (IRP). He was injured in 1981 in one of a series of terrorist bombings that devastated the IRP’s upper echelon. Following the death of Pres. Mohammad Ali Rajaʾi and the IRP’s secretary-general in another such blast later that year, Khamenei was appointed as the IRP’s secretary-general. Within weeks he became the IRP’s candidate for the presidency, an office that had previously been off-limits for clergy.
As Khomeini’s health declined and it remained unclear who would be both qualified to succeed him and sympathetic to his vision of velāyat-e faqīh, in 1989 he appointed a council to revise the constitution. Its work had not been completed by the time of his death in June, and it appointed Khamenei as the next rahbar, or leader. However, Khamenei did not meet the qualifications: he was not yet a senior cleric, having been accorded only the somewhat less lofty title of hojatoleslām. Moreover, he favoured a strongly centralized government under the leader, in part to forestall the influence of foreign powers in domestic politics. Changes to the constitution, approved in a referendum in July, loosened the qualifications, eliminated the post of prime minister and strengthened the presidency, and gave the leader significant power to oversee and intervene in political affairs.
In the early 1990s Khamenei enjoyed a good working relationship with Pres. Hashemi Rafsanjani, another revolutionary figure with whom he was close. His relations with reformist president Mohammad Khatami, however, who served from 1997 to 2005, were strained. Against Khamenei’s conservatism and deep distrust of the United States, Khatami had a liberalizing agenda and favoured rapprochement with the United States.
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Although Khamenei projected an official neutrality in the 2005 presidential elections, he showed subtle favour for conservative candidates, and his son Mojtaba was alleged to have played a role in the surprise victory of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad—a relatively unknown conservative former mayor of Tehrān. Many found Ahmadinejad’s success surprising, and it was clear that he would not have been elected without their support. During his first term in office, Ahmadinejad endeared himself to Khamenei through his bellicose stance toward opponents both at home and abroad, particularly by flaunting the nation’s nuclear program. Nonetheless, the two at times found themselves at odds, particularly as they engaged in a power struggle in Ahmadinejad’s second term.
Khamenei’s leadership saw its strongest challenge during the presidential election of 2009, when Ahmadinejad faced a surprisingly formidable opponent in Mousavi—Khamenei’s former prime minister (1981–89), around whom the country’s reformist contingent had coalesced. Although preelection polls had shown a tight contest, Ahmadinejad was declared the victor with more than 60 percent of the vote, and the result was quickly endorsed by Khamenei. Suspecting fraud, the opposition rejected the result and gathered to protest, staging massive popular demonstrations in Tehrān and elsewhere. In some instances, protesters shouted slogans calling for Khamenei’s downfall. In the media the protests were dubbed the Green Movement, after the colour associated with Mousavi’s campaign. Although the first protests were largely peaceful, police and paramilitary groups were deployed to suppress them; a handful of protesters and members of the opposition were killed, and many more were arrested. Following nearly a week of protests, Khamenei issued his first public response to the unrest, again supporting Ahmadinejad’s victory and warning the opposition against further demonstrations. Despite the government’s attempts at suppression, protests continued for the rest of the year.
Under Ahmadinejad’s successor, the centrist cleric Hassan Rouhani, Iran changed direction in foreign affairs, moving rapidly toward reducing friction with the West. International negotiations toward an agreement to end Iran’s nuclear research programs in exchange for the lifting of sanctions began within several months of Rouhani’s election in 2013. Throughout the negotiation process, Khamenei maintained a skeptical public posture, voicing objections about aspects of the agreement that he saw as possible infringements on Iran’s sovereignty. Nevertheless, a final agreement—known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA)—was reached in 2015 with Khamenei’s approval.
Rouhani won reelection in 2017 in a landslide, but the benefits of lifted sanctions and resolution of the nuclear issue were short-lived. After many Iranians failed to see much relief in their everyday lives, demonstrations broke out in December 2017. They took aim not only at Rouhani but at Khamenei as well. The situation worsened in May 2018 when U.S. Pres. Donald Trump announced that the United States was withdrawing from the nuclear agreement and would reimpose sanctions; despite Iranian compliance with the deal, Trump argued that the deal did not do enough to constrain Iran. In August, as the first set of sanctions went into force, Khamenei rebuked Rouhani for having conceded too much in the arrangements of the 2015 agreement. Nonetheless, he dismissed calls for Rouhani to step down. Rouhani’s policy of rapprochement now appeared to be over, and Iran returned to the virulent display of military development that Khamenei had long favoured. This display was condemned by other signatories of the nuclear deal, who had pledged active support to maintain the deal despite U.S. withdrawal.
In 2019, as the renewed sanctions continued to bite and it was becoming apparent that the other signatories were unable to guarantee Iran the benefits of the deal, Khamenei sought a more aggressive government stance in facing the crisis. He categorically rejected renegotiating the agreement with the U.S., backed a gradual breach of the deal, and engaged in hawkish rhetoric. In November, as protests erupted across Iran against a government decision to raise fuel prices, Khamenei ordered a crackdown and dismissed the protesters as thugs. Meanwhile, unrelated protests in neighbouring Iraq took aim at Iran, burning down its consulate in Najaf, and the U.S. killing of IRGC commander Qassem Soleimani in January 2020 brought international tensions to a new level.
Amid this backdrop of growing internal unrest and external escalation, the Council of Guardians disqualified nearly 7,000 candidates for February’s parliamentary elections (including 90 sitting members of the Majles). With four-fifths of the legislature’s seats uncontested by reformists, Khamenei was handed an overwhelmingly conservative parliament that favoured his policy agenda. The new parliament heavily scrutinized Rouhani and even mulled impeachment. Khamenei, however, called on the Majles to allow Rouhani to finish out his final year in office.
Like the 2020 parliamentary elections, the presidential election of 2021 was also restrictive. The only high-profile candidate allowed to run was Ebrahim Raisi, a senior prosecutor for the regime who had led the criticism against Rouhani for conceding too much in the JCPOA. He won by an overwhelming margin, but record low turnout underscored the fact that voters felt they were not offered a real alternative.
With Raisi at the ready, Khamenei promoted a “resistance economy” and regime security. Raisi and the Majles implemented austerity measures while seeking stronger ties with neighbouring countries. Greater focus on security was meant to pacify growing restlessness amid the economic uncertainty, but, in fact, it stoked unrest with its strict and excessive enforcement. The death of a Kurdish young woman, Jina Mahsa Amini, while in custody for “improper” dress served as a catalyst for widespread and sustained demonstrations in late 2022. The incident amplified several grievances against the regime, including its subjugation of women, its maltreatment of minorities, and its prioritization of regime ideology over Iranians’ welfare.
- The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica
Há 3 dias · After Raisi’s Death, Speculation Over Succession Turns to Ayatollah’s Son. Mojtaba Khamenei, 55, plays an influential role in the office of the supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and has ...
Iran's Supreme Leader: Who might succeed Ali Khamenei? Rumours about Ayatollah Ali Khamenei's health have thrown the spotlight on his possible successors.
